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Implementing National Action Plans: The Essence of UNSCR 1325

Implementing National Action Plans: The Essence of UNSCR 1325

Hritika Patil


Abstract

The article examines the challenges associated with the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325), which upholds the cause of women in peace and security processes. It highlights four key reasons for the failure of National Action Plans (NAPs) designed to implement the resolution - (i) lack of coordination across international, national, and local levels; (ii) neglection of traditional methods of conflict resolution and indigenous women's peace initiatives; (iii) technocratic nature of many NAPs; and (iv) power imbalance between the Global North and the Global South. There is a need for a more holistic and transformative approach to the implementation of UNSCR 1325 that embraces the contributions of women and acknowledges their agency in peace and security. Towards the end, the article emphasises the need for women to exercise their strategic autonomy and to be recognized as significant actors instead of beneficiaries in international efforts to promote peace and security.

Keywords: United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325), National Action Plans (NAPs), Israel-Hamas War, women, gender, peace and security.


Introduction

"Two to three hours before the Israeli government and the news media announced the terrorist infiltration on 7th October 2023, my sister texted on the family group chat about the video posted on my grandmother's Facebook account. She was living in Kibbutz, one of the frontline and closest points to the Gaza Strip. We immediately checked her Facebook, and there was a video of her lying in the living room floor covered with blood amidst terrorists standing above her," reiterates Yoav Shimoni, grandson of the late Bracha Levinson, who was killed in a terrorist attack (Combat Antisemitism Movement, 2023). This is not the only incident. There are ample number of videos available and circulated across social media where women became the victims throughout the Israel-Hamas War. The long-standing dispute between Israel and Palestine since 1948 erupted again last year in October.

The UN Women report titled 'Gender Alert: The Gendered Impact of the Crisis in Gaza,' stresses the four critical considerations from the perspective of gender in the present situation - food security, protection, shelter, and sanitation (UN Women, 2024, p. 9). The protection of women has always been a pivotal issue in any conflict throughout history. According to the UN Women database, from the beginning of the conflict in October 2023 to the present, two mothers are killed every hour in the conflict, 3,000 women have become widows, 1 million women and children are displaced, and 50,000 women are pregnant in Gaza (UN Women, 2024, p. 4). Every day, women from Israel and Gaza seek a helping hand to save their lives while caring for their children. At such a crucial moment, there arises a question of what guarantees protection to women during war or an armed conflict.

To address such concerns, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) passed United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) on 31 October 2000. The resolution re-emphasized "the significant role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and peace-building, the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security" (UNSCR 1325, 2000). It also recommends that the member-states of the United Nations (UN) formulate a National Action Plan (NAP) for the implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda (WPS) (UNSCR 1325, 2000). The rationale behind an NAP is to ensure that the country would take progressive steps both at the national as well as at international levels to secure the human rights of women and girls, prevent violence against them, and their meaningful participation in peace and security (Peace Women, n.d.). It has been observed that only 107 member-states of the UN out of 193 have adopted the NAPs to execute the UNSCR 1325 (Peace Women, n.d). However, most of the NAPs needed to be more successful in delivering their agenda since 30% of these NAPs need to be updated or have expired as of today (Peace Women, n.d.).


The Challenges of Implementing UNSCR 1325

There can be four reasons resulting in the failure of the NAPs. First, a vertical challenge exists in implementing the NAP at the international, national, and local levels (Newby & O'Malley, 2021, p. 4). It has been observed that the plans often project global perceptions rather than local ones. Domestic politics, which plays a prominent role in their implementation, has often been sidelined (Newby & O'Malley, 2021, p. 6). Though the UNSCR 1325 advises the member-states to have a NAP, Israel does not have one amidst the Israel-Hamas war and the increasing violence against women.

Second, the NAPs neglect the traditional methods of conflict resolution and the contribution of the native women clusters. The resolution text clearly states that the local women's peace initiatives and indigenous processes for conflict resolution should be encouraged, and it ultimately involves women from every strata of the grassroots level in the implementation of the peace agreements (UNSCR 1325, 2000). Nonetheless, the core idea of supporting their formulation has always favoured the international community rather than regional needs. Therefore, a gap exists between the language of the resolution and local demands. Drumond and Rebelo mentions the Nigerian NAP is one of the most successful examples of the amalgamation of the international WPS agenda and the native beliefs. In their opinion "It recognizes the multidimensional nature of women's insecurity, ranging from women-headed households to displacements, food insecurity, legal prohibition on owning land, bodily threats, and flooding" (2020, p. 7).

Third, the NAPs are bureaucratic or technocratic in nature. Even if the local voices are included in the functioning of the plans, they are principally outlined by the elite actors, as in the case of the NAPs of Liberia and Sierra Leone, respectively (Ryan & Basini, 2016, p. 395). The states with weak institutions are vulnerable to such organisational structures.

Fourth, the so-called and widely acknowledged Global North versus Global South debate has to be considered into a picture. The concept of 'rights' differs from the Global North to the Global South. In addition, on numerous occasions, it has been experienced that the North is exercising its will on the South to implement the agenda in its favour (Basu, 2014, p. 364). Regarding implementation, the North is blessed with better administrative institutions than the South. Hence, even though the NAPs are tools for implementing the UNSCR 1325, they will only sometimes produce qualitative results in countries with weak institutions. It is essential to note the contribution of the countries from the Global South in the passage of UNSCR 1325. For instance, Namibia assumed the UNSC's presidency during the adoption of the resolution. In terms of participation in the peacekeeping operations, female blue helmets from Ghana, South Africa, Nigeria, and India contributed in large numbers, which is remarkable (Basu, 2014, p. 367).


The Efficacy of UNSCR 1325 : Soft Language and Implementation Hurdles

Although the resolution provides a wholesome set of provisions, such as recognition of women's role in conflict resolution and peace-building, emphasis on their equal participation in maintaining and promoting peace and security, and their involvement in the decision-making processes; the question remains whether it is efficient.

The UN Charter establishes three sets of powers for the Security Council (Chapters V, VI, and VII). As of now, the last two chapters are relevant to the discussion. Chapter VI deals with the recommendations for adjustment or settlement of a dispute and is primarily concerned with non-coercive measures aimed at peaceful settlement. Chapter VII grants the SC the power to enforce a recommendation or decision to adjust or settle a dispute that threatens international peace and security. The thematic resolutions adopted under Chapter VI, including Resolution 1325, are non-coercive in nature. The resolution also uses words such as 'urges,' 'encourages', 'requests', and so on, which exhibit softness and weakness rather than solid language in the context of the UN. This also challenges the role of the UN as an advocate of the WPS agenda by questioning its legitimacy.

Through the lens of the feminist perspective, women's participation in policy implementation remains at the centre of the resolution. The UN Women Report on 'Generation Equality and Accountability 2023' also shows that the legal frameworks continue to lag in the area of violence against women and girls (UN Women, 2023). The UN encourages the formulation of legislative interventions, such as NAPs, to promote gender equality and women's empowerment. However, these interventions are not producing a long-lasting impact. International organizations, including the UN and grassroots-level NGOs, lack expertise and potential staff on gender, resulting in the ineffective implementation of the policy (UN Women, 2022). More than 540,000 women and girls in Gaza are of reproductive age and need access to adequate resources to support hygiene, health, dignity, and well-being (United Nations Population Fund, 2024). As mentioned earlier, Israel does not have a National Action Plan, nor does the UN Women, which is the dedicated UN entity for gender equality and women empowerment, have any presence in Israel.

Albeit the organisation is active in Palestine, their recent report mentions that only 0.09% of funding is directed to national or local women's organisations (UN Women, 2024a, p. 4). The recent UN Women report, 'Scarcity and Fear: A Gender Analysis of the Impact of the War in Gaza on Vital Services Essential to Women's and Girls' Health, Safety, and Dignity - Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene (WASH)' suggests "strengthening support for women-led organisations, including direct and flexible financing. Women-led organisations play a key role in informing WASH sector interventions and can contribute to providing more inclusive and gender-responsive services to women and girls affected by the crisis" (2024b, p. 11). Thus, expertise, proper database, and funding should be prioritised to implement the resolution effectively.


Women in Conflict: From Symbolic Roles to Active Participants

To sum it up, one can ponder upon the thoughts of V. Spike Peterson and her essay titled 'Gendered Nationalism: Reproducing "Us" versus "Them".' She mentions five dimensions of how women are placed in the context of nationalist struggles based on the conception given by Yuval-Davis and Anthea in 1989 (Peterson, 1998). First, she identifies women as biological reproducers of a group. The historical narrative painted the picture of women as the bearers of the responsibilities of giving birth to the soldiers to fight and daughters to care for the motherland. This served as fuel for men to wage more wars. As Copelon remarks, "When examined through a feminist lens, forced pregnancy appears to be an assault on the reproductive self-determination of women; it expresses the desire to mark the rape and the rapist upon the woman's body and the woman's life" (1998, p. 71). Second, women as social reproducers of group members and cultural forms. Women are also responsible for shaping the beliefs and behaviours of the children - the values that are passed on to the next generation. This includes learning the mother tongue, symbols, and rituals of the community, as well as the division of labour and perception of the world.

Third, women as signifiers of group differences. Women are considered symbolic makers in the nationalist struggles and the group's cultural identities. These symbols hold immense significance as they become worth fighting for and dying for. The rape of the body or nation damages the frontiers and upsets it with the invasion of 'others.' Here, the patriarchal metaphor - 'men who cannot defend their women/nation against rape have lost their claim to that body or that land', holds immense significance. Fourth, women as participants in political identity struggles. The fact that throughout the course of history, women have contributed to the struggles involving their communities cannot be ignored. Yet, some of these contributions remain unrecognised to date. Fifth, women as social members generally. When it comes to participation, women have been placed differently than men concerning the division of power, violence, labour, and resources. To quote the author, "There is no 'given' or automatic relationship between women’s interests and national interests. But they also demonstrate that gender is a pervasive feature of the territory - group conflicts and world politics - we are attempting to map".

Considering these arguments and the role of women during the war, it is necessary to think about the 'ownership' of UNSCR 1325. Shepherd states that the "WPS researchers have tended to produce WPS knowledge using social science research methods and allied methods in law and policy studies and have frequently focused on topics squarely within the remit of the WPS agenda, such as women's participation in peace and security governance, women's agency in peacebuilding and conflict prevention; and the dynamics of sexual violence in conflict (2020). As violence against women and girls is manifested in both the public and the private spheres, beyond times of conflict, the WPS agenda provides the opportunity for states to acknowledge the war-peace "continuum of violence" against women (Cockburn, 2004) and widen the focus of the agenda to create a more holistic and transformative project in line with feminist frameworks (Drumond & Rebelo, 2020). Women have been consistently acknowledged as beneficiaries throughout history instead of actors in the international system. Allowing them to exercise their 'strategic autonomy' is essential. Otherwise, the topic will be restricted to academic and policy debates as an alternative to reality.


Conclusion

While UNSCR 1325 marks a crucial step in recognizing women's role in peace and security, its implementation faces significant challenges. The disconnect between global aspirations and local realities, coupled with the resolution's non-binding nature, has hindered its effectiveness. To truly advance the Women, Peace, and Security agenda, a paradigm shift is necessary. This shift must recognize women as crucial actors with agency, rather than mere beneficiaries or victims. Future efforts should focus on bridging the gap between policy and practice, ensuring adequate funding for gender-related initiatives, and embracing a holistic approach that acknowledges the continuum of violence against women in both conflict and peace times. Only through such reforms can the international community hope to realize the full potential of UNSCR 1325 and create a more inclusive and sustainable peace and security framework.


References

(Hritika Patil is MA International Studies student (2023-25 batch) at the Symbiosis School of International Studies)


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