India's "strategic autonomy" in big power politics

India's "strategic autonomy" in big power politics

Rucha Mapari
20 February 2024
IRGA Jan-Feb 2024 Issue
Winner of the SSIS All India Students' Research Conclave 2023

Image Credits: https://www.narendramodi.in/internationalmainhtml

Introduction

“We are India; we know how to handle the world.” A statement by the external affairs minister Dr. S. Jaishankar showcases the confidence and experience of India in engaging with the world. [Jaishankar, From G20 to India/Bharat debate, Jaishankar: No holds barred, 2023] The G20 presidency of India concluded with the ‘New Delhi Declaration’, produced with the greatest efforts of diplomacy. India established itself as an emerging power from South Asia with the capabilities of bridging the widening gap among the states and collaboratively deriving solutions to global concerns. However, the beginning of the foreign policy immediately after independence was not so festive.

India kicked off its foreign policy with an unusual choice of ‘independent policy’, giving birth to the ‘non-alignment’ during the Cold War era. India chose to stay away from the ‘power politics’ and judge each issue on its merit. The objectives behind this choice focused on internal development and advocating world peace. Both objectives were carried forward to the post-Cold War era with more appealing approach of ‘multi-alignment with strategic autonomy’ becoming the foreign policy of India.

India’s strategic autonomy is evolving and taking shape with its growing internal power and dynamic external environment. It is, in turn, also shaping the international system. As India successfully finds its way through the obstacles of strategic autonomy, it is important to explore its impact on India.

The article sheds light on the emergence of ‘strategically autonomous’ India and its relevance. It explores the current practices of India’s multi-alignment and challenges in maintaining its continuity. Finally, it attempts to distinguish India from the other states that attempt to follow ‘strategic autonomy’ and emphasizes the special way it influences international politics. 

Criticism of the Indian Foreign Policy

India’s foreign policy, right from its independence, was viewed as an unclear, and self-serving course of action. Carsten Rauch describes the Indian strategy as a way of handling foreign policy issues that show ‘clear vacillation’. Walker also observes the contradiction between the Indian political philosophies and actions stating 'Wherever India's status was in question, it refused to be content with equality and was keen to assert its superiority.' [Rauch, 2008] However, former Indian ambassador Vijayalakshmi Pandit addresses such criticisms pointing out the failure of Western minds 'to appreciate the background and human aspirations of a country', which fits perfectly in the present times too. [Pandit, 1956]

Post-Independence Non-Alignment Movement

India’s post-independence advent into the international system was marred by the ideological division of the world between the US and the USSR, and the nuclear arms race. Additionally, the India’s domestic economic situation was also not optimistic. India was facing the aftermaths of the partition. Hence, ‘non-alignment’ was a very apt and relevant decision of India to stay away from the Cold War politics and proceed by judging each issue on its merits benefitting the national interests. India’s positive neutralism strongly advocated for world peace, disarmament, and adherence to the UN charter. The independence of actions offered India enough space to keep all the viable options open. India manoeuvred between the US and the USSR as per the circumstances, and managed its autonomy of the policy by skilfully not aligning entirely with any pole. Moreover, India also supported other Asian and African states that had similar experiences of colonization and imperialism. India expressed its readiness to stand against such oppression advocating the principle of ‘self-determination’. 

Transformation in India’s Foreign Policy

After the end of menacing Cold War, the world witnessed the US becoming the hegemonic power, the rise of China, and the emergence of other regional groupings assuming influential power in the system. The scenario of no particular power in a position to be dominant enough to influence the course of actions led the world to multipolarity. 

Adapting to the changing regional and world scenario, India also started bringing changes in its institutions. India liberated the Indian economy through globalization which brought it closer in contact with other economic powers. India was also becoming a victim of endangered security. The social welfare and the protection of territorial integrity and sovereignty remained the core interests, but directed the shift to the multi-alignment in the Indian foreign policy driven by strategic autonomy.

Strategic autonomy can be explained as the one’s pursuit of foreign policy based on national interests without any external force influencing the decision-making process. In India’s case, it means that India will continue its quest for the realization of national interests while seeking engagement with multiple actors, state and non-state. Keeping the nuance of the ‘independent policy’, it opted for the assertive choice, with a much-broadened scope for manoeuvring. India decided to continue its distance from alliances but opted for strategic partnerships with various partners.

India, which is advancing to the level of middle-income states, found the opportunity to engage with various states, given its diverse interests. India’s fast-paced economic growth, and the continental and maritime security threats have collectively attracted the attention of the major powers. The participation of India in various international initiatives is evident with India’s broadened international influence. Although strategic autonomy is ‘absolute’ for a superpower compared to an emerging regional power, which is ‘relative’ due to its innate constraints, India has successfully managed its quest for autonomy ‘by identifying and exploiting the opportunities created by global contradictions’. [Jaishankar, The India Way: Strategies for an uncertain world, 2020] India seems to do this by leveraging its unique peninsular geographical location in southern Asia, becoming the bridge between the East and the West and its central position in the Indian Ocean.

Practice of Strategic Autonomy

India’s willingness to engage with the various actors depends solely on its discretion. India’s strategic autonomy allows India to seek close relationships with states which can be mutual adversaries. The US, who was always suspicious of India’s inclination towards the socialist bloc, favoured Pakistan and China. Today, China stands against the US in the Indo-Pacific with readiness to expand its territory unilaterally. On the other hand, India-US partnership is at its peak with both of them extending cooperation in many areas.

From the very beginning, India shared cordial relations with the erstwhile USSR, who also considered neighbouring China as an enemy. The USSR vetoed the UNSC, favouring India multiple times. India was also heavily dependent on Russia as a supplier of military weapons. Presently, Russia and China are all-weather friends and India has also diversified its arms purchase. Despite the loss of previous common ground, the India-Russia strategic partnership still perseveres sharing a strong bond. Despite having a close relationship with the US, India took a neutral stand in the Ukraine conflict and continued oil purchases prioritizing its economic interest. The strategic autonomy of India, on one side, allowed this policy to sustain and even get accepted by the world and, on the other side, did not hold India back from making a bold statement - ‘this is not an era of war’. (Ministry of external affairs, 2023)

The ‘northern neighbour’ China’s actions escalating the border problem and making claims on Indian Territory have turned the partnership ‘not normal’. Despite this situation, China ranks 2nd in the trading partner’s list with two-way commerce heavily in favour of China. The challenge is to reduce this high dependence on China and secure the economic balance. 

In the last decade, India has launched policies like ‘Neighbourhood First’ (2014), ‘Act East’ (2014), etc. India’s engagement with regional groupings like SAARC, BIMSTEC, MGC, ASEAN, ACD, ARF, EAS, GCC, AU, EU, IORA, FIPIC, etc. is expanding from the neighbourhood of South Asia to continents of Europe and Africa and Indo-Pacific Ocean. India is also influencing the discussions at minilateral organizations like BRICS, SCO, I2U2, QUAD, G20, etc., and multilateral organizations like UN, WTO, IMF, WHO, World Bank, Commonwealth, etc. The recognition of the changing demands from the international system, and skilled diplomatic efforts drive India through the quite uncertain ride of maintaining strategic autonomy.

All the engagements of India are both issue as well as interest-based. Securing maximum gains from partnerships for the security of sovereignty and internal economic development is a given objective. However, along with this, India, as one of the developing nations, is also utilizing this platform to lead the cause of the Global South and bring to the table issues like food security, climate change, disaster resilience, public health, sustainable development, etc. The gathering of almost 125 states from Global South before the commencement of G20 to understand their concerns, utilization of G20, which is a fairly western-dominated platform, to raise these concerns, and culmination of the endeavour by offering membership of the G20 to the African Union under the presidency of India, exhibits the exemplary approach of India to optimize its membership and the influence for the development of neglected and underdeveloped world.

At the same time, India is engaging with the developed nations to build new institutions and regulations for the possible upcoming new threats related to security and technologies, and governance of global commons like the Arctic, space, and cyber, given the strong position of India in the fields of space missions, IT technologies, AIML innovations, maritime security, anti-terrorism.

Challenges to the Strategic Autonomy of India

Strategic autonomy is the function of the structure of the international system and strong power capabilities. Hence, acknowledging and maintaining the regional powers and engaging with them becomes a prerequisite as well as a result of multipolarity and multi-alignment.

There was a point in history when India decided to continue advocating the UN establishment notwithstanding the disappointing award given by the UN Security Council with regards to the Kashmir issue. The reason was to build trust among the states about the credibility of the UN. However, India has started pushing for the reforms of the UN as the biggest multilateral organization. India is persuading states to gather consensus for the reform based on wider and non-discriminatory representation, reducing the domination of the West, and creating space and platform for the concerns of the states that don’t make it to the negotiating table. India has also managed to garner support for its permanent membership through its long-standing cordial relations with states and increased standing in the global arena.

Emerging multilateralism is acting as a catalyst in building a new world order, and a new system of institutions as states are also looking for new viable options. If the issue doesn’t get addressed very soon, the predicted peril of ‘death of multilateralism’ stands a chance of becoming a reality.

Strategic autonomy can be leveraged when a state can display its power and strength. Hence, exploiting the resources available in the country and building infrastructure, improving military capabilities, creating a welfare state, and ultimately, self-sufficiency to the greatest extent possible are the essentials for building the required internal domestic capacities. The preface of the monograph ‘Nonalignment 2.0’ [al., 2013] rightly states that it is the interdependence of economic development and foreign policy that will back the sustenance of strategic autonomy:

‘…The success of India’s own internal development will depend decisively on how effectively we manage our global opportunities in order to maximize our choices – thereby enlarging our domestic options for the benefit of all Indians.’

Distinguishing feature of India’s strategic policy

The choice of strategic autonomy and practice of multi-alignment of India is quite different from what has been displayed by other superior powers. India is attaining strategic autonomy not only from the influence of other major powers but also from the morals, values, and principles set by Western institutions. Some foreign policies of India go beyond reciprocity and are shaped by the values and morals that India has inherited from its ‘Panchasheel’ agreement and the constitutional directions of Article 51.

India’s decision not to join the nuclear non-proliferation treaty was based on its discriminatory nature and pro-western framing of the policy. The vaccine diplomacy of India during the COVID-19 pandemic was an ideal approach to help out the states that didn’t have access to pharmaceutical products and vaccines. India supported Turkey with all the necessary aid during the 2023 earthquake as a first responder, although Turkey continued its mediation in the Kashmir issue. India is going beyond the conventional client-recipient relation of investment and promoting the sustainable way of ‘development from within’. The cooperative and collaborative approach is adding to the prosperity of the nations. It makes sure that the multi-alignment is not based on opportunism but strategic convergences of the states mutually benefitting equally. With its unique features, India brings value-based inputs to multilateralism, displaying its strategic autonomy in distinguished ideologies and thought processes.  

Conclusion

India has expanded the scope of its worldwide engagement. As a regional emerging power, it may face a few obstacles while chasing strategic autonomy. India’s strategic autonomy should not come from its relevance as a regional balancer or big domestic market. But it should be driven by its inner economic, technological, and social potential to influence the existing and newly rising global events and phenomena. It should be immune to internal conflicts to be a more legitimate advocate of ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam’ and deliver a message of one earth-one family-one future. Though India’s emergence is being discussed worldwide, it is not being noted as a threat, and that’s where the secret of India’s strategic autonomy lies.

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